Dana Milbank gets it wrong, again, and also, too, as usual, repeatedly, which generally happens to those of us, myself included, that don’t read this ‘ere blog, according to anonymous experts who wish to remain anonymous for speculative reasons that we, in open blogging, prefer to leave to the readers as we stick to wild innuendo and gratuitous insults.
In 2008, “the level of innovation and engagement in the election, especially the primaries, was amazing, but then the level of engaging them during the administration was extremely disappointing,” says Peter Levine, a Tufts University professor who specializes in youth civic involvement. “He had a potential army for legislative success and implementation, but the Obama administration did not do that. At a critical moment in the first term, they did not turn to them. . . . They got rapid youth demobilization.”
The level of innovation got sideswiped by the Great Recession, which is still impacting younger workers more than older workers, whom with the wisdom of age are busy blaming younger workers for the unemployment problem, since baby boomers have never made any mistakes according to a non scientific survey of baby boomers carried out over decades.
Sending out professional bovine scatology shovelers ready to shovel the economic problems of on to the professional left was a big help too. (Knuckleheads comes to mind here.)
The millennial’s are at least as passionate as earlier generations and more entrepreneurial, but they lack ties to institutions — unions, political parties, churches — because of their online existence. “The organizational structure they’re growing up in is so weak,” Tufts’ Levine tells me. As a result, “there aren’t very many durable institutions that can capitalize on their enthusiasm. They’re being asked to do it themselves, online, and it’s a tall order.”
Follow the money comes to mind here. Then there is the continuing unwillingness of this President to clean up the domestic mess of intelligence agency over reach, Gitmo, and other assorted baggage from the turn of the century, which I was surprised Merry left out on his observations of Obama’s historical assessment, and Milbank does the same thing.
Part of Obama’s problem has been the reaction of the Republicans to the opposition to President Bush’s policy, which policy was mostly grass-roots, netroots, driven, but with Republicans has emerged into the everyday discourse of Republican leaders and elected officials, whom seem unable to distinguish between politics and policy.
Nor can anyone blame a generation of younger Americans for losing confidence in our institutions when those institutions are subverted for lucre, by the very people asking voters to vote for them so that they may benefit from the subversion of their greed.
And it doesn’t take fifteen hundred paid words to lay it out sir. The Villagers are the problem, not the solution.